Local democracy is limp – Labour should take a lead on decentralisation

May 8, 2012 2:00 pm

Despite Labour gains in council elections last week, the low turnout and the rejection of elected mayors should come as a disappointment to the party. Local elections, in which two in three eligible voters did not vote, illustrate the limpness of local democracy in Britain. The fact is the public do not view local government as a site for social and political change.

Labour should challenge that perception by championing greater powers for local government (whether or not they are led by mayors) to control local finances, planning policy and education. That would enliven local democracy generally and Labour’s local power base in particular.

Power and participation go hand in hand  – the existence of power tends to motivate people to participate in the exercise of that power. Conversely, powerlessness tends to breed apathy where people sense that participation is unlikely to bring change. If people think that local authorities cannot significantly affect social policy in their area, why should they bother voting?

England has one of the most centralised systems of government in the world. Compared to the powers of local representatives and mayors in the US who have powers over policing, local taxes, education and the environment, English councils are hamstrung by a system of government which leaves them little opportunity to make an impact. Local authorities are stifled by centrally-imposed targets, central control of their finances and limited legal powers.

Labour should challenge the existing centralised model of government by drawing on decentralist influences in its past. The Fabian Society under Sidney and Beatrice Webb in particular trumpeted a role for powerful local government to deliver economic regeneration, slum clearance, vital infrastructure and amenities at the start of the 20th century. They were active in building a strategic role for government of London through the London County Council and London School Board.

Labour’s history is replete with examples of strong, active councils which have made a national impact. In the 1920s Labour councillors in Poplar under George Lansbury’s leadership pioneered equal pay for male and female council workers and the equalisation of rate payments between rich and poor boroughs long before such policies were mainstream nationally or even within the Labour party. Local politicians, when given the powers to do so, showed the capacity to innovate politically and transform local conditions.

Devolving greater powers to local government can provide opportunities for political innovation and for testing policies in localised settings. Whereas central government tends to aggregate and bleach out the variation between different localities, a more decentralised system of government may be capable of acknowledging local variations and scaling successful solutions regionally or even nationally.

Local government can provide greater opportunities for daily contact among and between citizens and their elected officials. John Stuart Mill wrote that local governments were ‘school houses of democracy’ whose main purpose was to educate citizens in the art of self-government. Mill accepted that local government might not always attract the leading political talents and produce the most efficient outcomes but he recognised civic participation as a good in itself.

The Tory-led coalition have since 2010 captured the rhetoric of localism whilst failing to empower local government. At the same time as promising local authorities new powers in the Localism Act 2011, the government has required the same authorities to slash budgets. The Big Society initiative has emphasised the devolution of power to “neighbourhoods” and “communities” rather than local governments. Neighbourhoods are neither democratically elected nor locally accountable. The bypassing of local authorities in this decentralisation betrays a lack of faith in local democracy and the Tories reluctance to relinquish the level of central control achieved by Thatcher’s transformation of local government in the 1980’s.

Despite the public’s rebuff to the idea of elected mayors, there is a thirst for locally-focused, responsive, grassroots politics. The idea should not be discarded because its implementation was mishandled. Part of the problem was that the Government never told the public what powers mayors would have. They asked people to vote on a half-baked idea without knowing what mayors could do for their cities.

In opposition Labour should seize the opportunity to champion greater powers for local authorities and thereby revitalise local democracy. This would chime with the party’s objectives to boost regional economies outside of London and the South-East and enliven political engagement at the grassroots. Labour’s success in last week’s elections offer the opportunity to build our base of support. Let us do so by offering the prospect of greater powers to transform politics in our cities and towns.

All politics is, after all, local.

Sarah Sackman is public law barrister and a guest lecturer at LSE Cities. 

  • Johndclare

    As a local councillor, I thoroughly approve this proposal – it is true that, for all their talk of localism, the Tories continued to disempower local Councils; their model of ‘local empowerment’ is one which hands power to ‘communities’ and by-passes the local Councils.
    The problem with your proposal is that going into 2015 on a manifesto to re-empower and re-tool local Councils will play badly with a public who see local Councils as inefficient and incompetent – it will be a vote loser.

    • Dave Postles

      ” one which hands power to ‘communities” – to special interest groups is the way in which I would phrase it, in the light of Gove’s antics.

    • Vseddon

       Given how incompetent central government is at the moment, I am not sure
      that the argument will be about local councils as inefficient and
      incompetent, but as hamstrung by national dictat

      I think you can talk about making local gov more local – and not just about implementing the cuts this government has put in

  • treborc1

    Yea well you vote them in, they change what they said they do,we have to wait another four years to get rid of them, by that time they have said something else, we elect them and they do something different.

    The same in all elections it’s little wonder most people think why bother.

    Lets have mayors then you go about working for some failed politician to take the position as if Mayors have to be ex MP’s  it’s  just another job for the boys and girls .

    No thanks

    • Dave Postles

      If you want to read cabinet minutes, wait thirty years.  If you wish to read the minutes of your local council, just pop along to the local library as every ratepayer has the right to inspect those minutes immediately.  If you can’t understand the minutes in their own context, you can ask to see the supporting papers by which the decision was reached. There’s nothing new there or derived from the Freedom of Information Act.  Those regulations are longstanding.

  • madasafish

    The big  (BIG) issue is this: Local Councils are not locally funded.

    Half or more of their income comes from Central Government.

    So change the funding . Let Local councils control what they raise 100% of money for  and the rest is not under their control.

    Err… they would control very little.

    Until the funding basis is changed,  I can see no real empowerment .

    And of course, in poorer areas, the local funding is very low..

    • Dave Postles

      Historically, the Treasury Grant system was introduced (as under the County and Borough Police Act of 1856 and the LG Act 1858) to ensure a minimum standard of service; if government contributed (25% at that time) to the police force, then the government could insist on a minimum standard of service and the power to inspect.  LG was alarmed at this centralization and erosion of local freedom.  The financial contribution was both aquid pro quo and a method of ensuring standards.  Ultimately, there are local services which are now funded as distinct services by central government (specific grant such as police) and miscellaneous services (general grant).  If all funding is levied locally, do you also relinquish to local authorities the minimum standards for their specific services?  There is specific legislation (primary) about those standards and expectations.  Do you rescind that legislation?  You can increase the local income of local authorities, but it would involve: a revaluation of real estate (houses); the introduction of new bands for higher-value real estate; and the return of business rates to the local authority.  Personally, I’m all for all three changes, but the issue of standards remains.

      • Vseddon

        I quote from Westminster web page: just making sure I get it right. This is a very radical suggestion that needs widespread debate. Sorry it is a bit long but you will see why

        ” The Parliamentary Political and Constitutional Reform Committee
        (Chair Graham Allen)  has announced an inquiry to explore constitutional and practical issues
        around the possibility of codifying (or formally writing down) the
        principles and mechanics of the relationship between central and local
        government. Evidence submitted to the Committee suggested that the
        relationship between central and local government was unbalanced towards
        central government, and that a previous attempt at regulating the
        relationship, the 2007 Central Local Concordat, had been a failure.
        On 18 January 2011, the Committee agreed “that written evidence be
        sought from an academic witness, containing an illustrative draft code
        governing the relationship between central government and local
        authorities in England”. Professor Colin Copus of de Montfort University
        agreed to take on this work.

        On 23 March 2011, the Committee wrote to all those who had given oral
        evidence to the inquiry asking for their views on the draft code for
        relations between central and local government.

        Suggested revisions were received and at the request of the Committee
        incorporated by Professor Copus into the draft code. It is this revised
        version that the Committee has now decided to publish for wider public
        consultation.

        The Committee itself has not taken a view on the document, but is
        making it available to the public for consultation to see what appetite
        exists, if any, for any form of codification of the relationship
        between central and local government.

        Draft code  ( PDF 3.96 MB)

        Please reply to pcrc@parliament.uk by

  • ThePurpleBooker

    I agree.

  • Quiet_Sceptic

    Are the public, politicians and political campaigners prepared to embrace a postcode lottery when it comes to public services?

    It would be nice to believe that stronger local democracy would make everything better but in reality it may lead to some localities choosing to spend less on certain services,  prioritising their resources to the concerns of the local electorate.

    Is the local government of an affluent market town likely to be overly concerned about the local Sure Start Centre or building lots of social housing – probably not!

    • Vseddon

      We get lots of post code lottery from central government so why is this an argument when it comes to local democracy?

       Different localities have different needs; one size doesn’t fit all.

      Yes, you can have some national minimum standards. But with flexibility on top of that.

      And with a proper local voting system,  elected proportionately, local politicians would be more likely to represent all their constituents.

      In Sheffield, following the local elections, 21% of voters have no councillor who speaks (politically speaking) for them.

  • mactheanti

    rejection of elected mayors should actually boost the party, this is voters saying clearly they do not want to risk having the right wing press foist a Tory mayor on them. Probably watched the personality contest going on in London, when Ken tried to talk policies and Boris didn’t and press backed Boris helping to skew the result. Why would any level headed person want this for their City? Boris Johnson pretending not to be a Tory and having the words Conservative and Cameron air brushed off of all his election material and the press allowing him to get away with this outrageous behaviour? One more level of expensive 
    bureaucracy that we don’t need!

    • JustMom

      This is exactly why I and members of my family voted against for Birmingham.
         The tories will continue to try and get these mayors in  though mark my word!

    • Hugh

       ”voters saying clearly they do not want to risk having the right wing press foist a Tory mayor on them”

      Because that was likely in Bradford? Do you have any evidence at all that this was a major motivation for voters rejecting them?

      • Vseddon

         I think there were several  reasons. 

        People didn’t like the Boris v Ken circus.

        There is distrust about what my MP calls “celebritisation” of politics

        People in Sheffield do not see that there is a huge problem with our current system,  with our administration going from  Lab to Lib Dem and back again  – so it is not static, and neither is it the complacency (or sometimes verging into corruption ) that you get when the same  party is always in control.

        Also, who wants a referendum imposed on us from Westminster?   Indeed, there are real issues with referenda in general: people often vote not on the question that is on the paper: last time it was “kick Nick Clegg” not “Do you want to change the voting sysytgem”

        As a rule of thumb, referenda should only be called when 5% of the relevant electorate demand one.

        This last issue, by the way, is going to surface in Labour’s position on Lords Reform. All three parties had it in their manifesto, so they could just legislate.  Only if 5% of people (rather than the Lords themselves or the Tories) demand one should a referendum be called. 

  • ThePurpleBooker

    What Labour should do is call for more devolution to local government. We should set up ‘co-operative councils’ everywhere so that local community can have a say in the commissioning of local services, we should expand the local assemblies across the country but also ensure that all constituents in one ward can access their local assembly, make local authorities raise at least half of their income through local taxation (giving them the right to raise up to 3p in the £1 through popular mandate from a local referendum) and we should be bold to ignore referenda which is not only uneven but was on such a low turnout with basically no campaign and then introduce directly-elected mayors for all of England’s major cities and give those mayors the role of Police and Crime Commissioners for their city. Decentralisation is a strong part of Labour’s traditions because we should be practicing the progressive belief of an ‘enabling state’ redistributes power and wealth and is active as well as relational rather than the big state which is not what Labour is about!

    • AlanGiles


      and we should be bold to ignore referenda which is not only uneven but was on such a low turnout with basically no campaign and then introduce directly-elected mayors for all of England’s major cities and give those mayors the role of Police and Crime Commissioners for their city”

      So we should force things on people whether they like it or not?. And plainly, all except Bristol voted “not” last week – as regards turnout, I would take the view that if people had been madly keen on having an elected mayor they would have taken the trouble to go out and vote for them. Clearly, a majority were either against the idea or at best, neutral.

      I can’t see that forcing things on a reluctant electorate is a vote winner, or pays a great deal of respect to their freedom of choice.

      * Gigi Gryce (1925-1983)

      • Chilbaldi

        Or we could have a referendum for every law that is passed, rather than have a functioning Parliament?

        I’d be up for putting Purple Booker’s proposals in a manifesto.

        • AlanGiles

          No but on this occasion the government decided to hold a referendum (as they did on voting reform) and the public voted no. It doesn’t matter how small the turnout was – that was answer and it should be honoured.

          I know the “Purple Booker” would love to see Liam Byrne as the Mayor of Birmingham, but the people of Birmingham obviously have other ideas  - they don’t want Byrne or anyone else. That should be the end of the matter. 

          * Ray Warleigh (1938 –   )

          • treborc1

             Except it’s not him

    • Hugh

       If you hold a referendum and ignore the result it’s not enabling; it’s arrogant. It’s not an attitude that’s done wonders for the popularity of the EU, you’ll notice.

    • treborc1

       This is the ex lib dem

    • Vseddon

       Yes and no!

      Yes to local devolution and democratic representation, no to ignoring the verdict on elected mayors.   More power in the hands of one person? No!

      Only if there is a grass roots demand for it, caused by disastifaction with current local administration (as in Doncaster)

  • carolekins

    These are excellent ideas.  They won’t appeal to the control freaks, however.  They are a sure way of reengaging voters and central govt will have to learn to trust us (both parties).

  • Vicky Seddon

    Excellent article!  Exposing the myth that Tory “localism” really gives communities power would be dynamic.

    I used to think that it was bad news that people voted (mainly) on national issues in local elections but now think it is not surprising when so much is decided nationally, with local government being really only local administration of central policy.

    The last government didn’t do much to change that.

    On mayors, the vote here is Sheffield was the largest against elected mayors. Did we want a Boris? No we didn’t.

  • Chris Morris

    This article makes some useful comment but does not take the logic forward sufficiently. A starting point in any discussion about decentralisation is the role of national government. What is its purpose : what  powers should it exercise:where should its limits fall. The localism bill does little more than further distance parliament from  responsibility and acts to actually weaken local initiatves.
    Recent constitutional changes AV/elected mayors / reform of the lords are a distraction from advocating any real change or preliminary discussion about how we are governed.
    I agree that local areas should have greater powers and support the concept of departments / lander /city regions.

    Ps any spelling errors are caused by cutting my finger slicing onions !!

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