Increasingly, we live in an uncertain world. In many parts of the globe there is conflict, instability and tension and it is therefore essential that Labour understands that the defence and protection of the British people must be the objective of our defence policy.
Given the size of our country, the rapidly changing nature of defence technology and the increasing interdependence of the global community, it is imperative that we realise that Britain’s defence depends in large part on our successful cooperation within Nato.
It is worth recalling that Labour was one of the early advocates of Nato and the party has always been committed to Britain’s membership. The need for Nato is now just as great as it was back in 1949 when it was established, although the challenges that we face today are now very different.
Three challenges in particularly have recently emerged – Brexit, the election of Donald Trump and the activities of Russia. It is essential that Britain’s response to each is carefully thought through.
Firstly, Brexit. Given Britain’s decision to leave the European Union it is important that any notion of Britain weakening its commitment to Nato is given short shrift. If anything, given the growing need for a close working relationship with our European partners on defence matters, our commitment to Nato is more important than ever before and needs to be re-emphasised. The reality of modern defence is that joint projects and practical cooperation is increasingly essential if we are to maintain an effective approach to defence for Britain.
Central, of course, to Nato is article five. This is the cornerstone of Nato and commits all members of the alliance to defend each other if attacked. An attack on one, is an attack on all. Labour continues to unambiguously support this commitment.
Every member country of Nato has agreed to contribute 2 per cent of their national GDP to defence expenditure. The British Conservative government makes effective use of creative accounting to achieve this minimum and Labour ought to actively consider an increase in our military expenditure in real terms.
This takes me on to the second challenge we face – the election of Donald Trump and the uncertainty around his administration’s approach towards European defence and Nato. Many believe Trump’s bizarre rhetoric will not be translated into reality, but what is likely, however, is that Trump will press other members of Nato to make a significantly bigger financial contribution to Europe’s defence.
Such an increase is worthy of active consideration given the massive cuts in defence carried out by the Tories. Despite the Tories’ commitment before 2010 to a “bigger army for a safer Britain”, the army has been cut by a fifth on their watch. Their cuts have reduced the army to its smallest size since the 19th century and have left our forces poorly equipped, over-stretched and under-paid.
Another reason why an increased budget will be necessary is the growing threat posed by Russia. While it is important not to exaggerate this threat, it is the case that there is substantial evidence that shows President Putin has been, and is continuing to flex his military muscles in an aggressive way.
Putin’s “intervention” in Ukraine and the annexation of Crimea, in contravention of international law, the destabilisation of Montenegro and the threatening military activities on the borders of the Baltic states, all point to a new and worrying military assertiveness by Russia. It has been correctly stated that both Russia and the West ought to be seeking de-escalation in current tensions and there ought to be serious consideration given to a demilitarised “buffer” along both sides of Russia’s border. At the same time, though, we need to recognise the very real concerns of our Nato allies close to Russia who view with concern, for example, Russia’s recent deployment of missiles in the enclave in Kaliningrad.
What is needed is a twin track approach that seeks to diffuse growing tensions, while, at the same time, demonstrating that any aggression by Russia will elicit a strong response from Nato.
It is also worth keeping in mind that Russia is making ever greater use of hybrid warfare tactics. Insidious propaganda and cyber destabilisation and interference are sinister forms of covert aggression and need to be recognised as such. History teaches us that often political aggressors are only dissuaded from aggression by a combination of logical argument – backed up by strong military preparedness. There is every reason to believe that the situation that we face in Eastern Europe will be line with historical precedent.
In a fast changing world there is no room for “dogmatism” in our defence policy. We have to be open-minded and view the challenges we face with objectivity. The annual report of Labour’s national policy forum, approved by last year’s conference, provides us with a firm base on which to build. This report reaffirms Labour’s view that the protection of the British people must always be Labour’s guiding principle in defence policy.
Wayne David is shadow minister for the armed forces and defence procurement and MP for Caerphilly
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