Labour must start having sensible conversations about drug reform

Tory MP David Warburton was the subject of allegations of drug use earlier this month after photos emerged of him next to lines of an unknown substance. He was also accused of sexual assault and borrowing £100,000 from a Russian businessman, which he failed to declare – yet most discourse has centred around the alleged drug offences. It is important to note that there are many drug users who don’t have the power, resources and wealth of an MP, and they tend to be punished more harshly. Equally, many have drawn attention to Warburton advocating for harsher penalties for those implicated in county lines drug operations.

Setting both of those points aside, it seems wrong that drug use should be honed in on more closely than accusations of sexual assault. It is indicative of our society’s attitude to addiction and drugs that the instinct is to stigmatise and criminalise, rather than look for solutions that can improve lives. The more taboo an issue is, the less likely it will be for meaningful policy change to occur. With drug deaths soaring, we can’t continue to ignore the hard truth: UK drug policy is contributing to needless death, misery and ruined lives. Unfortunately, by refusing to consider alternative policy directions, Labour is complicit.

Throughout the pandemic, we have heard Keir Starmer and other Labour figures say that we need to follow the evidence when it comes to public health. They’re right. But we need to apply the same approach to other areas of policy too. We should be leading from the front when it comes to changing attitudes to drugs, with harm reduction central to our approach.

It was incredibly disappointing to see criticism of Sadiq Khan from some in our party when he announced trials of a diversion scheme for young people found with small amounts of cannabis. The scheme has been a success in the Thames Valley, reducing reoffending and preventing a trajectory of further involvement in crime. Starmer waded into the debate to say he does not support decriminalisation or a change in drug laws. Even more disappointing was Shadow Justice Secretary Steve Reed saying that Labour would back “naming and shaming” drug users as a deterrent.

The idea that shame and stigma is the best way to change behaviour and treat addiction is outdated, counterproductive and lacks evidential basis. Evidence suggests that rehabilitative approaches to drug usage can prevent 4.9 million offences each year. It seems that the reluctance to support drug policy reform is due to a fear of losing votes, and is fuelled by the need to prove Labour is ‘tougher’ than the Tories on crime and justice.

This approach, however, completely misreads the mood of both the public and those within the labour movement. As in the case of Sadiq Khan’s proposed trial, 60% of Londoners supported the scheme, even if they were opposed to full decriminalisation. Attitudes to drugs, particularly cannabis, are softening. As YouGov found, the majority of people believe decriminalisation would reduce crime and 52% of people either support or strongly support full legalisation of cannabis.

Within the party, in Scotland, MSP Paul Sweeney has been doing important work with activist Peter Krykant, to raise awareness about the need for safe consumption rooms, which reduce drug deaths. Despite the documented success of safe consumption rooms both in Scotland and globally, Starmer again refused to back them as a vital tool to reduce harm.

As one of Open Labour’s policy officers, I was proud to see our members vote at the recent annual general meeting to support drug policy reform along the lines of harm reduction within our upcoming position paper. Labour Campaign for Drug Policy Reform has been doing crucial work to lead the conversation in the party across all factions, about how things could and should be done differently. Personally, I believe the party should adopt their recommendations in full if it is serious about improving and saving lives.

If Labour wants to be considered the party of equality, we can’t ignore the harm caused by the war on drugs – particularly along the intersections of race and class. Black people, for example, are convicted of cannabis possession at almost 12 times the rate of their white peers, and despite committing the same offences as white people are 26 times more likely to be remanded in custody.

Labour must take stock of changing attitudes, and possess the political bravery to move beyond shame, stigma and prohibition – they are tactics that have failed for decades. Let’s start having sensible conversations about drug reform, rather than buying into moral panics that have been pervasive since the 1970s.