Living through the summer riots was the first time in thirteen years in Walthamstow I felt a sense of real fear for my community. Four months on explanations based on pure criminality or public service cuts have thankfully given way to a quest for a deeper understanding. As the National Panel on the Riots publishes its interim report Labour should ask not only how to stop social disorder but promote social justice. In doing so, the left must see its role in championing civic resilience across Britain.
The list of areas affected reads like a roll call of poverty – Brixton, Croydon, Hackney, Peckham. As the disturbances spread it was not to well-heeled Witney or the leafy Tatton but to Manchester, Nottingham and Birmingham. Even in more affluent areas where rioting took place – like Ealing or Clapham Junction – the evidence is the rioters themselves were largely from poorer areas.
Yet to say these events are a manifestation of poverty offers more heat than light, not least because areas with similar levels of inequality were not involved; places like Glasgow, Newcastle, Poplar and Sheffield remained calm. Poverty makes the circumstances individuals and institutions face much more challenging, but it does not determine outcomes. The law abiding majority who live in the affected areas deserve more respect than to suggest otherwise. As David Lammy highlighted only a few hundred people caused chaos in Tottenham – where 40,000 young people live.
One thing is clear. The social boundaries of acceptable behaviour broke down that week and the institutions on which we rely to restore them were tested – and in many cases found wanting. Police numbers were crucial. The ability to surge the numbers of police– and their absence in other areas – had a direct effect both on stopping crime and fuelling the presumption anything goes. But having 16,000 on patrols put an exceptional strain on the Met as it is –Labour must question whether cutting police numbers will affect the service’s ability to maintain order in future.
A lack of disorder is not the same as peace and security for all. If we want the police to be able to prevent crime and not just tackle it they need to be able to work with every citizen. David Lammy has rightly called for us to re-examine the concept of policing by consent. Peel once said ‘the police are the public, and the public are the police’. On one estate in Brixton alone 120 arrests were made following tip offs from residents about looting. If we choose we can all play a critical role in advocating acceptable behaviour – or not.
The dislocation and diminution of police from communities they serve challenges their ability to both promote order and secure confidence in their work. Cuts to Safer Neighbourhood teams will mean fewer police to build trust with those who they protect as well as gain the local intelligence that helps them tackle crime. Only half of all Met police officers now live in London , as many cannot afford to live in the city. This dislocation isn’t just geographical – only one in ten officers are from ethnic minorities. Halting recruitment will do little to help fashion a police force that can connect with the diversity of Britain.
We should not believe we can police or imprison our way out of these problems – and if we wish to prevent such events from happening again, enforcement is not enough. We need to understand why some areas and some people were more affected than others – and the importance to social justice of redressing this. Resilience is sometimes as an attribute of individual character, and sometimes as a technocratic response to challenges such as winter weather. I come from a slightly different tradition – that of the psychology of personal resilience. This is the study of factors that combined help individuals not only withstand pressure but to adapt and thrive.
Just as with children, so too we can foster resilience in communities and countries. Civic resilience is not just about the ability to bounce back but also the ability to bounce forward. The bounce comes from the mix of economic, social and cultural assets communities have. Those areas less affected by disorder didn’t all have more means, but a different blend of assets. Factors like housing, jobs, schools, social networks and a commitment to each other that combine to create an environment which increases the chances people will not only survive, but succeed.
Family relationships are the way many access these resources. Inevitably a lack of them makes it harder- but not impossible- to progress. But those who focus too rigidly on family structure by default write off those who don’t fit a particular format. Building civic resilience also means extending this principle beyond the narrow confines of the nuclear unit. Such resources cannot be bought in the marketplace or imposed but are the product of collaborative endeavour. Just as policing by consent requires participation by the public, so too we need services that work with, not just for communities. This isn’t about the state vs society, but committing resources where the two mesh.
This includes investing in economic as well as social resources. Many identified the challenge of retaining employers– both big and small- in the aftermath of the riots and these times of economic austerity. Getting the compensation promised to those affected is crucial to helping areas affected recover. That’s why it’s so worrying to find so little has been done to follow up on commitments made to reimburse those affected under the Riots (Damages) Act.
Employment is more than something to lose if a person secures a criminal record. It brings money to a household budget, prosperity to a place and a personal sense of purpose and identity. Along with education it is a key resource in giving direction to that bounce forward. That one in seven young people are not in education, employment or training is a national crisis in itself. That they are clustered in some areas threatens the civic resilience of these localities directly. We can’t turn the clock back in a global economy, but should not accept this means we can only hope the market shows mercy. Being advocates for resilience tasks Labour with helping people and places thrive in these changing times as well as mitigate the risks.
No one can ever guarantee social disorder will not again come to Britain’s streets. We should focus on building the personal and civic resilience required to withstand pressure as well as promote progress. The task of the left is not just to help Britain bounce back but fight for all communities to be able to bounce forward.
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