‘Reconciliation is not weakness. It is leadership’

The dramatic intervention of Anas Sarwar could not have come at a more delicate point in the Prime Minister’s tenure. Confronted with clear polling evidence that Labour chaos south of the border was about to guarantee another five years of dispiriting SNP rule, his intervention was one of principle rather than rebellion. However, Sir Keir is bound to have been deeply hurt by it.

Yet beneath the noise lies a simple, unavoidable truth: Sarwar and Starmer ultimately want the same thing — a reset of the Labour government and a restoration of public trust. And that shared objective is precisely why they must make up. The question is not whether they reconcile – it’s when. The Scottish Labour’s conference on 27th February looks like the ideal opportunity.

As he acknowledged with his intervention, Sarwar’s prospects in May depend heavily on the stability and credibility of the UK Labour government. If Westminster looks chaotic, Scottish Labour pays the price. The SNP will seize on any sign of continued division as proof that Labour cannot be trusted to govern Scotland or the UK. Reform UK will do the same from the other flank.

READ MORE: Scottish Labour leader Anas Sarwar calls on Starmer to resign

Starmer, meanwhile, cannot afford a public feud with the leader of Scottish Labour at a moment when Scotland is central to Labour’s long-term electoral strategy. A divided leadership is a gift to every opponent Labour faces.

Both men know this. Both understand the stakes. And both understand that the May elections are not just another contest — they are a test of Labour’s ability to govern across the UK.

The Prime Minister and senior Labour figures have framed the current moment as an opportunity to “learn lessons” and “change how we do government.” Sarwar has said the “distraction needs to end.” These are not competing messages. They are complementary.

A reset cannot be delivered from Westminster alone. It must be a joint project — and Scottish Labour’s conference offers the perfect platform. A public reconciliation there would send a powerful signal: that Labour is capable of self-correction, unity, and maturity.

It would also give Sarwar the political space he needs to lead Scottish Labour into the May elections with authority, rather than with a question mark hanging over his relationship with the UK leadership.

The Conservatives have already tried to frame the row as evidence of a Labour “meltdown.” The SNP has done the same. These narratives harden quickly if left unchallenged.

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A visible and intentional reconciliation would immediately neutralise any tensions. Starmer would demonstrate his capacity to address internal dissent calmly and effectively. Sarwar would affirm his commitment to representing Scotland without compromising party unity. Labour would illustrate its ability to adjust its trajectory—a trait that voters value more highly than inflexibility. In politics, the power to recalibrate often surpasses the importance of avoiding errors.

The May Scottish elections are not a side-show. They are about key Labour issues – health, education, housing – as well as a test of whether the party can govern across the UK. A strong Scottish Labour performance strengthens Starmer’s mandate. A weak one undermines it.

Sarwar and Starmer both know that the stakes are existential for their respective projects. Their political futures are not merely aligned — they are interdependent.

Reconciliation is not weakness. It is leadership.

For Starmer, it would show he can lead a broad, confident government. For Sarwar, it would show he can put Scotland’s interests above political theatre.And for Labour, it would show the country that the party is serious about governing.

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Scottish Labour’s conference should be the moment for Sarwar and Starmer to stand together, publicly, and declare that the reset is real. The May elections demand nothing less. 

If Labour wants to govern with authority — in Westminster and Holyrood — unity must start at the top. And it must start now.


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