Ben Cooper column: ‘Labour needs to rediscover its own authentic populism’

For the first time in living memory, Labour has to deal with a populist party to its left that is securing nationwide public support. The Gorton and Denton by-election raises the spectre of Labour being ejected out of power by a populist wave from Reform and the Green Party. 

Considering this, you might expect an article written by Anthony Crosland in 1971 would be of little use to the Labour Party today.  But this is not the first time Labour has had to deal with shock election defeats. And Crosland’s Labour and ‘Populism’ was written months after an election defeat where the party lost mostly working class voters. Crosland reflected on ‘the sense of estrangement’ between a Labour government and its core voters. 

After the 1970 election, many commentators argued the policies pursued by that government were perceived to bear little relation to the realities of ordinary life. A failure to address, or be seen to address, the issues that most affected working class-voters resulted in people “ceas[ing] to turn to Labour for the redress of their grievances”. Sound familiar?

To secure victory in the 1970s, Crosland argued for a “populist streak in our thinking”, where Labour pays “more attention to the issues of popular concern”. He argued that the economic and social issues which most affect ordinary working-class people should be the priority, including housing, living standards, and education. And that populism should be at the heart of Labour’s identity and communications, not just its policy. 

This argument, from nearly 55 years ago, is still relevant now. Too often, populism is conflated with the politics of Reform or the Green Party. That thinking leads Labour to oppose populism itself. And it results in people questioning who the party stands for, and what direction Labour wants to take the country in. Worse, it could be seen as a defence of the status quo.

‘Instead of decrying populism, Labour should draw on its electoral power’

But a populist politics isn’t the problem with the Greens or Reform,  it is these parties’ lack of real practical solutions to the challenges the country faces. They opt for simplistic solutions that either wouldn’t work, or would leave people worse off.

Instead of decrying populism, Labour should draw on its electoral power. The party needn’t mimic either Reform or the Greens to do this. A populist streak to draw on already exists, rooted in our values and identity. Labour policies, messaging and campaigns should be relentlessly focused on the realities of everyday life. It should appeal to economically insecure voters, who have switched away from Labour since the previous election. 

Embracing populism could shift public concern away from whether Labour cares about those voters who are struggling to how the government is improving lives for millions of people. It creates permission to be heard once again by voters.  And it allows Labour to forge a 2029 electoral coalition, bringing back both voters who favour Reform and those who favour the Greens. 

‘Labour can set out a populism that actually delivers change’

Of course, it is easier to be populist in opposition than it is to be populist from government. But government has advantages too. Labour can set out a populism that actually delivers change, while other political parties just talk about it. Last year, an incumbent Australian Labor government showed how paying ‘attention to the issues of popular concern’ can secure re-election – even when the polls seem so unfavourable months earlier. 

A Labour populist policy offer is clear. Another Employment Rights Bill could further improve workers’ rights. A second Renters Rights Bill could end rip-off rents and ensure that everyone has a safe, secure home to call their own. And a crackdown on those who own our high-streets, but leave shops boarded up in pursuit of profit, could bring life back to the heart of many towns. 

Crucially, these policies create strong dividing lines with Reform – forcing them into positions that are unpopular with many of their potential voters. The party recently committed to repealing the first Employment Rights Act and Renters Rights Act with a ‘Great Repeal Bill’. But both pieces of legislation are extremely popular, including with those who voted Reform in 2024. To the Green-curious voters, it would show that Labour not only understands the problems, but acts to solve them in government.

But Labour cannot mistake the policy for the politics. They must also wrap populist policies in a distinct Labour identity, and sharp populist communications. Voters need to see that the party is taking on vested interests like bad employers, exploitative landlords, and those who have emptied our high streets.

‘Over its 125-year history, Labour has repeatedly embraced populist politics’

Labour politicians have long recognised this, even before Crosland’s essay. In the 1895 election, Keir Hardie called for healthy homes, fair rents, and work for the unemployed. It was a populist campaign that sought an end to monopoly and landlordism that was holding ordinary people back. Five years later, the Labour Party was established on a similar platform to represent working people. Over its 125-year history, Labour has repeatedly embraced populist politics.

No doubt, the Gorton and Denton by-election must be a wake-up call for Labour. But it need not mean chasing the Greens off to the left, or doubling down on appeasing Reform voters. Instead, Labour needs to rediscover its own authentic populism and deliver on it in government.

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