While other commentators pick apart what last night’s rebellion means for the Conservatives, we also need to ask what it means for Clegg, the Coaltion and ultimately for Labour. Because, while the vote itself might be small fry, the consequences could be rather more for reaching.
First up, here’s a few facts from the acres of coverage last night’s rebellion on Europe. It’s the largest post-war Conservative rebellion. Nearly half of all Tory backbenchers defied a three line whip. Nick Robinson hypothesised before the vote that any rebellion of more than 61 means the whips had failed, as more MPs rebelled than originally backed the motion. He put 96 as the meltdown benchmark. 79 is just closer to meltdown than whip failure. Rumour has it that George Osborne was doing desperate last ditch phoning when it became clear that so many were likely to rebel.
The motion and vote was meaningless, in one sense at least. Cameron was never going to lose it, so a lot of rebels will have thought ‘what the hey?’ But for him, the decision to impose a whip, the subsequent failure of party management and the organisation of the rebels should be a worry.
But a marked change in tactic started before the summer recess and was front and centre of this year’s Lib Dem conference. Nick Clegg has started flexing his Liberal Muscle. There always had to be some stage managed anti-Tory rhetoric at Lib Dem conference, but the level and seniority of those taking part was marked and deliberate. This tactic tries to carve out independence within the Coalition so the Lib Dems still have a distinctive brand at elections while propping up a Tory Government. And this after Cameron spent months sharing the love with Nick, sometimes seemingly at the expense of his own members.
It may be that the Tory right who rebelled last night felt that Cameron had spent so much of the last eighteen months comforting and cajoling Liberal Democrats that they deserved a little bit of the love. (I speculate because I don’t for one second pretend to know the inner workings of the minds of the Tory right.)
There are 79 Tory backbenchers now openly willing to defy the Tory whip, and the 40 odd backbench Lib Dems, twitchy about policy, watching council seats fall in key seats, and looking at boundary commission projections that see many of them annihilated.
The government has a working majority of 83. Only just over a third of this pool of actual or potential malcontents are required to defeat the Government. Put like that it’s not that much.
This presents both an opportunity and a risk for Labour. This Government is pursuing a ruthless right wing agenda and using an economic situation – now very much of it’s own making – as cover for doing it. It could be tempting, and much fun, to laugh at any situation where the government finds itself buffeted from left to right, trying to please everyone to win votes. And it could be tempting to stoke it up.
But, the economic situation is now so perilous, that there could be one thing worse than a well run ruthless right wing government – a badly run one. The impact that the international markets and credit rating agencies have must be taken in to account. And one of the reasons why they view Greece and Italian debt so poorly is the length of time it has taken the EU to act.
No, lets just sit back and watch what happens.
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