Labour has to make climate change as toxic for Tories as Section 28 was

There are some odd parallels between arguments Conservatives use now against action on climate change, with what they used to say about Section 28.

Conservatives denied Section 28 perpetuated homophobia then, as they reject being climate change deniers now. Then, repealing S28 showed ‘contempt for taxpayers’ just as ‘green crap’ supposedly does now.

Conservatives wanted any mention of gay lifestyles banned from children then, as they want to ban teaching of climate science now. Then, homosexuality was a doctrine being used to brainwash children, just as climate change science is now derided as a religion used to brainwash the youth. The newspapers that most strongly supported Section 28 then were the Daily Mail, Sun and Daily Telegraph – the biggest opponents of climate science now.

Whether the analogy is stretched to breaking point or not, the broader point stands: there is now a clear ideologicall divide on global warming and climate science in a way there wasn’t just a decade ago. Michael Howard once said, “Britain is in the forefront of responding to the threat of climate change.” Republican Newt Gingrich sat next to Democrat Nancy Pelosi in an ad urging action on climate change. Now conservatives in the USA and UK want nothing to do with it.

So Ed Miliband was absolutely right to slam the Tories in the Observer and say it is a national security threat. But climate change is more than that – it is also about energy independence, about class (with the poorest most vulnerable to flooding and higher food prices) and conserving our countryside. Most of all, it is about what we leave behind for future generations.

There are two points to make here. Firstly, with the political consensus nearly broken and conservatives unwilling to take any action, Labour has to move forward. The party leader cannot just give one interview and abandon the issue until the next disaster strikes.

He has to keep pressing the issue because it affects other parts of Labour policy. ‘Go green or we quit Britain’, splashed the The Times in October last year. In November, 21 major investors controlling over $21 trillion of assets told Osborne to take climate change seriously. This affects Labour’s committment on jobs, energy and future growth.

The second point is related to the first. Labour has to pin climate change denialism on the Tories in the same way homophobia and Section 28 defined the Tories for a whole generation.

Of course, Conservatives will say they don’t deny climate change or its impact and merely want to protect taxpayers from additional bills. But this argument rang hollow even before the floods illustrated the cost of dealing with the fallout. We know its a cover for denialism. The cost of inaction on climate change is rising and it will cost lives and livelihoods.

The plea that we shouldn’t “politicise” climate change is facile whomever it comes from, Conservatives or scientists. The great challenge facing our generation is highly political because it requires unprecedented political action.

When Tony Blair came to power, he led the party against homophobia despite public opinion and the Tory press because it was the right thing to do. The political ramifications are being felt even now.

In the same way, and for similar reaons, future generations should blame Tories for being dinosaurs on climate change just as as they do now on homophobia. We cannot let them escape the cost of inaction.