‘Closer cross-Channel cooperation on migration is vital for Starmer’s European reset’

When Sir Tony Blair took power in 1997, he rode the rising tide of internationalism and promised to put the UK “at the heart of Europe”. With the UK having since crashed out of the EU, the geopolitical mood music for Prime Minister Sir Keir Starmer is less upbeat.

Nonetheless, despite several sticking points, there is still reason to be optimistic that Starmer can “reset our relationship with Europe” as recently articulated at the European Political Community (EPC) summit.

Crucially, Blair used close Franco-British cooperation over defence and security as a key platform for revitalising UK-EU relations. Concrete bilateral actions such as the St Malo Declaration demonstrated that his pro-European signalling was more than just warm words.

Now is an opportune moment for Starmer to do the same and remobilise the Franco-British partnership in solving irregular migration.

Resetting European relations will not be a simple task

Of course, resetting European relations is not a simple box to be ticked by friendly post-summit press releases. Despite the current “European honeymoon”, there are many sticking points further down the line.

New government or not, Northern Ireland remains a thorny, incomplete question. If reopened – for example by the “democratic consent vote” on the application of single market regulations scheduled in Stormont for later this year – it could quickly derail UK-EU relations. Likewise, any attempts at renegotiating more favourable trade arrangements could cause further friction in the longer term.

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On top of this – and of equal, but more immediate concern – is the fundamental problem of tackling irregular migration. Fortunately, through reinvigorated Franco-British cooperation, this is an area where Starmer has a real chance to make progress and improve UK-EU relations more widely.

Starmer must capitalise on the political situation in France

For Starmer to achieve this, he must capitalise on the present French political situation. Following a rollercoaster legislative election, in which President Emmanuel Macron’s centrist coalition lost its parliamentary majority, France faces political disarray and an uncertain period of cohabitation.

In stark contrast, Starmer’s ability to re-centre the Labour Party – and lead it to convincing electoral success – has seen him emerge as a role model for centre-left politics more widely.

This is especially true in France where the left’s factional in-fighting has commentators looking across the Channel for inspiration. With Macron’s probable appointment of a new centre-left Prime Minister, Starmer must use this political alignment to help build a closer partnership on immigration and asylum. This would be a welcome win for both governments and a big step towards improving UK-EU relations.

Promisingly, Starmer’s performance at the EPC shows progress in this area. Alongside a unifying message that the mission to “smash criminal gangs” demands a Europe-wide effort, he announced sensible measures to tackle irregular immigration at source.

This included new partnerships with Slovenia and Slovakia and £84m of funding for projects in Africa and the Middle East. This emphasis on upstream measures will have resonated especially with Macron – a vocal supporter of this preventative approach – who described the summit as a “big tick” for the new Downing Street regime.

Starmer should work with France to create legal and safe routes

That said, these upstream measures must be matched by enhanced cooperation downstream. The UK already maintains a close partnership with France in this area; 2022 saw the UK commit £476m to funding French border security until 2026.

However, there is room for improvement. Starmer has confirmed that Labour will resume processing asylum applications for people who have arrived in the UK illegally. Once Macron appoints a new Prime Minister, Starmer should back this policy up by working with French partners to open processing centres in northern France to create legal and safe routes for asylum seekers. Without these alternatives, opening applications for illegal arrivals will simply encourage further illegal crossings.

Starmer should likewise negotiate to join the EU’s newly agreed Asylum and Migration Management Regulation (AMMR). This agreement would open new ways to transfer asylum applicants to other EU countries while accepting the claims of those with family ties to the UK.

Starmer’s progress at the EPC has led to positive noises about this kind of arrangement. In conjunction with closer cross-Channel cooperation via measures such as continental processing centres – an idea popular with the French – negotiating entry into this agreement would become far smoother.

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Restoring UK-EU relations remains a complicated issue and will be much harder than simply declaring a “reset”. Blair’s own long-term ambitions were crippled by Iraq and divisions over the Euro. Even so, his use of the Franco-British partnership was influential in demonstrating a substantive change in how the UK dealt with the continent as a whole.

While Starmer does not have Blair’s optimism – or indeed his seat at the European table – through capitalising on the current moment in French politics and tackling the issue of irregular migration he could nonetheless mobilise Franco-British relations to similar, positive effect.

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