‘The public support net zero; Labour should too’

The idea of a widespread public backlash against net zero is a right-wing confection – a story told and sold by populist politicians and right-wing media. Across the UK, people of all backgrounds, incomes and politics care about climate change and want action to reduce emissions and tackle the impacts of extreme weather.  

New research by IPPR and Persuasion UK finds that, in 2025, online news coverage of net zero was 260% more negative than public sentiment. Only around a quarter of the public have oppositional views towards net zero, yet negative online news made up around 71% of coverage.  

Is it any wonder then that there is a huge perception gap between MPs and the public on this issue? MPs across the board significantly underestimate public support for climate policies. At least 57% of Labour MPs assume public support for net zero is lower than it is, and Labour MPs’ confidence in the electoral advantage of net zero policies has almost halved in the last few years. To be really clear, there has not been a steep drop in public support over this time. Climate policy is highly polarised at the level of elite politics – with the Conservatives and Reform UK against net zero – but this does not reflect where the public are at. Parties that are against net zero are at odds with the majority of voters.  

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Despite the negative media coverage and messages from Reform calling “net stupid zero” a “net killer”, most anti-net zero arguments aren’t landing. Only 15% of voters name net zero as one of the main culprits in rising energy bills – even Labour voters who are now considering voting Reform (about 3% of the electorate) don’t think it’s the main reason. People are generally much more likely to blame profiteering, privatisation and dependence on foreign gas. Similarly, the idea that net zero is driving industrial decline has very low resonance with Labour voters. Nor do voters – including Welsh voters – blame net zero for steelworks closures, such as in Port Talbot.  

This isn’t to say that the public’s support for net zero is unshakeable. The biggest threat it faces is low confidence and lack of trust in government, meaning people feel it simply can’t be done. This particularly matters for policies where people are being asked to make changes to their lives, such as through consumer choices. The upside is that Labour has a strong track record on delivering on climate policies since the general election – they need to shout about this and take credit for it.  

The other significant threat to net zero support is from political partisanship. As people move to Reform, they are more likely to become anti-net zero, not because Reform has won the arguments on this issue, but because their political allegiance sways their views. Only 4% of Labour-to-Reform switchers cite climate or net zero as a reason for changing their vote. But once someone is pro-Reform, and crucially, once they are anti-Labour, they are more likely to also be anti-net zero.  

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What does this mean for the government? Firstly, it should be clear that climate policy is electorally safe territory on which to be proactive. Reneging on net zero would be one of the most vote-losing positions Labour could adopt with its 2024 voters. Voters aren’t moving to Reform because of Labour’s climate policy, but softness on this issue could lose Labour votes to the left.  

Secondly, the government needs to get climate up the agenda. The public support climate action, but it has fallen down their list of priorities. The more people care about an issue, the less likely they are to be swayed by partisan narratives. Government needs to focus on climate impacts, like flooding and extreme heat, and tie them back to net zero, while communicating more on the UK’s strong record in cutting emissions and increasing energy security.  

Finally, climate policy can and should tackle cost-of-living pressures. The public doesn’t blame climate policy for high costs, and most people, across all incomes, don’t feel that net zero has a negative impact on their daily life. But the cost of living is the public’s number one concern. Climate policy can address this by supporting the uptake of clean consumer technologies that lower costs – such as helping homeowners switch to solar – and by better managing the upfront energy costs as the UK rebuilds its energy infrastructure.  

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Delivering under the pressure of right-wing attacks demands fresh confidence and commitment from government. There’s a risk that Labour capitulates to the right on climate. This would be a vote losing move. Instead, by highlighting the benefits of clean energy, protecting and supporting households, and tackling the impacts of extreme weather, Labour can confidently make climate policy a dividing line with the right, without fear of a voter backlash.

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