‘Unitarisation risks weakening local democracy unless communities are put in the driving seat’

Nearly 30 per cent of England is about to experience the most significant upheaval in local governance in a generation.

The government’s drive toward unitarisation – replacing two-tier county and district systems with single unitary authorities – will fundamentally reshape how millions are represented. Public concern is evident. Polling suggests that a majority of people worry unitarisation will diminish opportunities for residents to shape what happens in their own areas. 

That fear is not abstract. The move to unitary councils is likely to mean fewer elections, which risks weakening the ongoing relationship between councils and residents, reducing touch points for accountability and democratic engagement. 

Representation will shrink in more tangible ways too. Unitarisation will result in a substantial reduction in the number of councillors. Government estimates indicate that as many as 5,000 councillors could disappear as a result of the latest changes. Fewer councillors covering larger populations inevitably means heavier casework, less accessibility, and more distant politics.

READ MORE: Government abandons plans to delay 30 local elections in England

England already has one of the largest ratios of residents per councillor in Europe – on average, current district councils cover 115,000 people per council. Post-unitarisation, that figure could rise to 500,000 residents per authority. In practical terms, that means decisions will be made further away – both geographically and democratically – from the communities they affect.

This presents a stark tension at the heart of the government’s ambitions. The English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill is designed to push power out of Whitehall and into places. Devolution is supposed to ensure that local voices shape local decision-making. Yet without safeguards, unitarisation risks pulling decision-making upward within local government itself, away from neighbourhoods and into larger, more remote institutions. There is a danger that communities could feel that devolution has passed them by.

And yet, we must also be honest: the status quo is far from healthy. Turnout in local elections remains stubbornly low and levels of political satisfaction are weak. Polling suggests that most people feel they have little or no control over the decisions that affect their neighbourhoods. Simply defending existing structures will not revive local democracy.

So, the choice before us is between allowing structural change to hollow out local democracy further or using it as a catalyst to renew it from the bottom up.

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There is real opportunity here. The English Devolution and Community Empowerment Bill will extend strong, place-based leadership across England, with new mayoral strategic authorities gaining powers and resources from central government. That shift can only succeed if it is matched at the community level. Power must not merely move from Whitehall to town halls; it must move also move from town halls to neighbourhoods. 

This is precisely the argument advanced by IPPR North in our latest report, which sets out three practical reforms to ensure unitarisation strengthens rather than weakens local democracy.

First, we make the case that hyperlocal councils should be reformed and expanded to ensure democracy exists “within walking distance” of citizens. Parish, town and community councils can provide an accessible forum for everyday participation but only if they are empowered, more representative, and properly supported.

Second, we suggest that community-led and well-resourced neighbourhood boards should be established in all new unitary areas and expanded to councils across the country. These should comprise of at least 50 per cent community representation. 

In the same way that mayors will be granted the right to request powers from central government, communities themselves – in the form of hyperlocal councils and newly established neighbourhood boards – should have the right to request powers from unitary and strategic authorities. 

Third, we recommend that councils adopt bolder collaborative democratic practices. For residents, approaches such as participatory budgeting and citizens’ assemblies should become default ways of working rather than occasional experiments. If we want people to feel ownership over decisions, we must invite them meaningfully into the room. Further, the government should legislate to enable remote and digital voting for councillors, modernising internal decision-making.

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Encouragingly, the government has already demonstrated its commitment to renewing communities through initiatives like its Pride in Place programme. But local democratic renewal must sit alongside this much needed physical and economic regeneration. Investment without voice will not rebuild trust.

Unitarisation will reshape England whether we like it or not. But the government and local leaders must make the most of it, not just view it as a structural reform but as a vital and rare opportunity to rebuild democracy from the bottom up. We cannot afford for devolution to fail. If the government intends it to be a flagship programme and a defining legacy, then communities must be placed firmly in the driving seat. 

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