‘Westminster should learn from Scotland: assisted dying isn’t a progressive cause’

My Labour colleague Lauren Edwards MP announced over the weekend, to the surprise of many, that she would be resurrecting the “assisted dying” bill in parliament this term. Bringing back the Bill risks fuelling tensions within the Labour Party at a particularly sensitive political moment. Several Labour MPs have already voiced opposition, warning that reviving the issue now would create unnecessary division. Others, including a number of MPs who previously supported the Bill, have indicated they do not support attempts to force it through via the Parliament Acts.

When I, along with 16 of the other 19 Scottish Labour MSPs, who voted recently against assisted dying in Holyrood, it was because of – rather than contrary to – our left-wing values. Too often, the assisted dying debate has been framed lazily as a contest between compassionate progressives and socially conservative opponents. That caricature bears little resemblance to the debate we had in Scotland. Some of the strongest opposition to assisted dying came from people deeply shaped by the traditions of the Labour movement: concern for solidarity, equality, disability rights, and the protection of vulnerable people from economic and social pressures. 

Assisted dying proposals force us to ask an uncomfortable question: what happens when the state begins offering death amidst a society that already struggles to offer dignity in life? 

READ MORE: ‘On assisted dying we must now have the courage of our convictions’

For those of us on the Left, that question cannot be ignored. 

The Labour movement was built on a belief that people are not truly free or equal when crushed by poverty, insecurity, isolation or structural disadvantage. That belief is the cornerstone of the welfare state. The creation of the NHS was a moral declaration that human dignity and basic rights should never depend upon wealth, position or productivity. 

Assisted dying risks undermining that principle. 

Supporters often present these laws as empowering choice, but choice does not exist in a vacuum. A choice made by a person with access to excellent care is not the same as a ‘choice’ forced on someone who feels like a burden, cannot access adequate social support, fears loneliness, or believes their care needs are exhausting their family. 

This is why so many disability campaigners remain deeply uneasy about assisted dying legislation. They understand something that the Bill fails to account for: in unequal societies, the absence of “choice” is frequently shaped by economic and cultural pressure rather than overt coercion.

During Scotland’s debate, many of us became increasingly concerned that assisted dying was being presented as progressive simply because it expanded autonomy in theory. However, the Left has always maintained that freedoms mean little without protection behind them. Telling vulnerable people they are free to choose death while failing to guarantee care, housing, mental health support and social security is not progress. 

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International evidence only deepens those concerns. In Canada, stories have emerged involving disabled people and vulnerable citizens seeking assisted death amid poverty or inadequate support. Cases involving veterans and people struggling with housing insecurity have horrified observers across the political spectrum. Even where safeguards formally exist, the broader message – that some lives are too costly or lacking in dignity to save – is clear. Once assisted dying becomes embedded within public systems, economics inevitably enter the conversation. If the state finds assisted death cheaper than long-term care (as it surely will), what signal does that send to the poor, the elderly and the disabled? How might social norms and expectations change? 

Marie Curie Scotland published a report, Dying in the Margins, that shows the reality of terminal illness and poverty. We must ensure that everyone has a right to life, to live their final days in dignity, rather than death. These final days are precious, to the person and their loved ones, but people must have adequate support to live every day, regardless of their personal wealth.

The genuinely progressive position here is to insist that no citizen should ever feel that death is their best option because society failed to provide sufficient care or support. The answer to suffering should not be to make death more accessible while leaving the conditions that create despair unresolved. 

During the pandemic we also saw elderly and disabled people being encouraged to sign Do Not Resuscitate declarations due to the fear that the NHS would become overwhelmed. Which leads me to believe, as a society, we cannot provide the right governance for this issue.

I understand that many of those calling for this option want their own autonomy to decide how they live and die. Many of them have the financial certainty to make that a real choice. However, many in our society do not have these choices. When making law we must make it for the whole of society, rather than the fortunate few.

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Before Westminster rushes to revive this legislation, Labour MPs in particular should note that 85% of their Scottish colleagues opposed assisted dying and reflect carefully on the lessons from Scotland. Many of us concluded that assisted dying sat uneasily, even irreconcilably, beside the founding values of the welfare state. A society committed to equality and collective care should be very wary of introducing laws that may, however unintentionally, place pressure upon vulnerable people to end their lives. Those of us who truly want to see a society of equals should support legislation that promotes life and hope rather than death and despair. I urge Labour colleagues in Westminster to follow our lead in Scotland and resist waving this dangerous bill into law.

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