Local elections: ‘We should have performed far better than we did’

Photo: Number 10/Flickr

As ballots continue to be counted from May’s local elections, there will be a countless number of thinkpieces and social media dissections of what the results mean for Labour going forwards. What we can say conclusively, however, is that we should have performed far better than we have done.

The government has had a poor first election, achieving our lowest result in four decades. I am sorry to the council colleagues who have lost their seats, and those who should have been joining our ranks. That these results come less than a year on from our landslide victory should be a cause to rethink our approach.

READ MORE: Council by council Labour gains and losses – and its position in each mayor race

Less than 12 months after the election which have us our largest majority since 1997, we should have been making gains in these local elections. Part of the reason we have not is that, rather than delivering on the promise of a progressive alternative to fourteen years of Tory ruin, voters have watched the government flounder – too often from hurdles of our own making.

READ MORE: ‘Labour has lost in Runcorn – here are the eight things the party should do now

We were unlikely to receive a fair hearing from the right-wing press, but with the donations scandal many voters’ first glimpse of the new government in action – followed swiftly by unforced errors like cuts to winter fuel allowance or lifting the £2 bus cap – it is no surprise that some feel let down.

That the government is still pursuing its benefits cuts – which have already lead to a cross-factional rebellion while risking material hardship to the poorest – shows a party that is privileging fiscal rules over its missions. A government hard-wired towards kickstarting economic growth would not risk billions in potential productivity and tax revenues by forcing people into poverty.

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There are numerous policy levers that would give Rachel Reeves the headroom she is searching for – for example, ending the work ban for people seeking asylum, or pursuing migration as an economic growth strategy as Spain has. They appear to have been ruled out from the get-go, suggesting more stock has been placed in avoiding press criticism than building back fairer.

But where we have struggled most is in dealing with Reform. Far too many – from members to ministers – have treated a rising Reform vote as an inevitability, taking as a given that we would lose hundreds of council seats or even the next general election to them. This has of course been fed by the media, but also our own party. Regardless of whether this was expectation-management or trying to motivate our activist base, it has helped to position a fringe party with four MPs as though waiting for its turn to govern.

A party that is privileging fiscal rules over its missions

The number one rule in politics is to not highlight your opponent to voters. Because for every person to might win over by presenting them as a bogeyman, you may persuade another that they have a viable chance of winning. And while highlighting Nigel Farage as a would-be NHS privatiser might strengthen a firm Labour voter’s resolve, those of us who reflexively dismissed the relentless smears against Miliband, Corbyn and Starmer will know they have a limited impact.

Losing Runcorn by 6 votes will continue to sting. Questions will be asked of whether Starmer had visited we might have done better. What is evident, however, is that launching our by-election campaign with an anti-migrant push gave Reform political relevance throughout the campaign; parroting their talking points only serves to strengthen their appeal.

READ MORE: Runcorn blame game begins – why did Labour lose?

Despite the Prime Minister doubling down on lowering migration we should be clear, too, that Reform’s popularity is not about migration. It is a symptom of decades of disempowerment and the Right’s attempt to capitalise on that. The answer to that is not ”to be bullish” about migration, wasting our historic majority by tabling anti-migrant legislation, all the while facilitating continued Reform’s relevance by ensuring political discourse remains squarely focused on their favourite topic of conversation.

We should have been waking to a fantastic set of local election results. The last time these council seats were elected, May 2021, Boris Johnson was enjoying a poll boost from the vaccine rollout which caused us to lose hundreds of councillors and control of eight councils.

READ MORE: ‘Results so far say one thing: voters think change isn’t coming fast enough’

The road to our ‘decade of economic renewal‘ requires Labour councils to build (and fill its potholes). That we have lost control of many councils rather than gaining should be a source of worry for us all – and motivation to Ministers to deliver better, and more quickly.

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Where once there was an air of inevitability about our 2024 General Election victory, it has been replaced by an inevitability that we will lose the next one. That is misplaced, but it is fuelled by our hesitancy. Voters have punished us this time around because they expect a Labour government to mean transformative change, and so far we have not delivered.

We should have been waking up to a fantastic set of local election results

We have made it look as if we are unwilling to make decisions that should be straightforward – such as protecting steel communities from the devastation of deindustrialisation – and let opportunists take hold. Even now there is not a clear plan in place for British Steel. Voters notice that hesitation, and when we eventually make the right decision they will say we had to be dragged into doing it. Wilson‘s government responded instinctively to struggling firms, establishing worker co-operatives, backed with government loans, to rescue and reinvigorate companies. Mutualising British Steel would show decisive Labour (and Co-operative) leadership at a time it is most desperately needed.

The party’s fiscal rules were intended to be a dividing line between us and Liz Truss – but only one against many. In a rapidly changing global economic, and Trump’s tariffs taking their toll, we cannot let them undermine our missions. This is a clear signal from voters that they should be reconsidered.

A year has passed, opportunities have been missed, and votes have been lost. Between now and the next general election we must replace timidity with boldness, and refocus on our mission to ensure that change is felt and shared by every community across the country.

Read more on the 2025 local elections:

Results on the day

Analysis of the 2025 election results

LabourList’s on-the-ground reports from the campaign

Inside the Runcorn campaign


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